“No propaganda on earth can hide the wound that is Palestine”
— Arundhati Roy, 2024
Drawing from anti-imperial transnational feminist approaches, I emphasize the necessity for Global South solidarity building to disrupt settler colonial knowledge production that disregards non-western epistemology and bodies. As an analytic, I use the transnational feminist framework to explore differential geo-political power distribution and colonial racialized rhetorical practices that inscribe non-Western bodies as others/animals. In my initiative of the Global South Solidarity, I investigate the contours of global inequalities to build epistemic justice against memory injustices by being more attentive to the stories of violence conducted in Gaza. To lead us toward the journey of memory and anti-racist justice, I engage my haunted memories, solidarity in the time of despair as well as several transnational feminist voices who oppose physical and ideological violence through their anti-imperial scholarships. By being attentive to both personal and public stories, anti-racist practices as well as initiatives, we can unsettle epistemic violence rooted in colonial and imperial logics.
This is a time of grave despair. We bear witness to an unending genocide in Palestine under the clutch of Israeli settler colonialism. The historical legacy of colonialism has come to impinge upon the freedom of speeches of those who are fighting for Palestinian freedom at this moment. Contrary to that, many academics build publishing careers by taking anti-colonialist, and anti-racist pedagogical lenses. And yet, they remain silent about the Palestinian genocide. Therefore, Kirsch et.al. (2023) call for building the academic coalition by acknowledging that, historically, academic institutions emerged from “racialized economic, political, and cultural institutional structures.” The colonial legacies of violence and epistemic racism are embedded in the system (p. 5). Privileged white, European, and elite voices dominate knowledge production. In these selective academic discourses, the narrative of the Global South still largely remains out of mainstream academic attention. By ignoring the culture of the Global South, centering only Western culture in pedagogical practices denotes both the culture and people in the Global South are primitive (Undercurrents).
This preference for imperial Western epistemology has consequences. Through these rhetorical practices, this knowledge production tends to normalize the death of non-Western bodies as collateral damage and unworthy of global attention in academic places in addition to state-sanctioned military, police, and media violence in several countries. Despite these ongoing wounds and violence, instead of hopelessness, we need to resist academic settler colonial voices that use the masters’ tools in silencing anti-racist work. As we build resistance, optimism guides us toward a future where Palestine will be free. This project has two sections. In the first section, I share some of my haunting memories and the moments of solidarity. In the second section, I engage theoretical interventions and scholarship to guide us about the possibilities for pedagogical coalition building.
On Tuesday, October 15th, 2024, as I was attending the WGSS InQueery Symposium 2024 titled “No Pride in Genocide” at Washington State University, I saw one of the panelists broke down in tears as they were talking about the killing of a 19 year old boy, Sha’ban al-Dalou. I witnessed a video of a burning 19 year boy at Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital complex in Gaza. That burning image kept haunting me. Guilt rushed over my body. Two days after that, when I went to the class I teach, I saw his image in the students who are mostly freshman. Intermittently, I kept seeing the burning image of a 19 year old boy when I see a young kid.
Share when you see something suspicious. Does that sound familiar? An appeal often written in the airport, bus-stations, and other public places to ensure public safety.
Let’s share when we see violence. I shared the story of Sha’ban with my friends, family and students. We witnessed anger, frustration, despair, and guilt in us. We built solidarity with our words and emotions against this violence. I call this a moment solidarity in the time of despair – solidarity against the genocide.
Silence haunts too. In the aftermath of October 7th, we witness many silences against the Palestinian genocide. Silences keep haunting us.
Protesters at WSU break the silence by their slogans “Palestine will be free.” The protesters show us a moment of solidarity against the oppression and violence.
Millions of people including protesters, doctors, journalists, children are fighting against the atrocities in Palestine. They inspire the rest of the world to break the silence. They are the hope for the future. Palestine will be free (Arundhati Roy).
Moving on to the next section of the project, I engage works from transnational and intersectional feminist scholars including Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Sara R. Farris, and Karma Chavez to inform the exigency of incorporating transnational feminist pedagogical practices in academic institutions.
Imperial feminism is silent about this ongoing genocide in Palestine and its impact on many bodies and communities. For example, even in the face of genocide, colonial feminists disregard the violence of reproductive rights in Palestine. In reporting the intensity of reproductive genocide in Palestine, South Africa states that Israel has violated “Article 2d” which prohibits violence against reproductive rights. South Africa also testified that 70 percent of the people who were killed during this genocide were women and children (“Reproductive Justice”).
In Palestine, under the settler colonial grasp, women cannot access their bodily autonomy including rights to have or not to have children and rights to have a healthy environment to raise their children. Instead of calling out these reproductive injustices, imperial feminists present Muslim women as victims of patriarchy while Muslim men are presented as violent to them. Thus, these Muslim women need to be saved by white feminists which is a tactic to justify violence against people in the Global South in general (Farris, 2017). Therefore, informed by intersectional and transnational feminist practices, our pedagogical practices need to call out imperial feminism that continues to objectify non-Western women while disregarding the role of settler colonialism and military violence in debilitating their lives.
As I call out this double standard, decolonial scholars including Angela Davis, Frantz Fanon, bell hooks, and Jasbir Puar also guide our practices to debunk the notion of Western pedagogical supremacy that presents non-white/non-Western bodies as others. In addition to that, by taking an anti-racist pedagogical approach to our education system, we can spread the seeds of hope for the future. By promoting academic knowledge that does not address ongoing state violence, military violence, settler colonialism, and genocide, the institutionalized structure silences resistance against colonizers (Davis, 2015). Thus, considering the urgency of building solidarity to resist settler colonialism, global capitalism, and state-perpetuated violence, in this paper, I explore pedagogical possibilities to raise collective awareness through teaching transnational instructional materials in an undergraduate classroom. I look for myriad possibilities in the practices of transnational feminist scholars for disrupting anti-Islamophobic rhetorical practices.
I have chosen the framework of solidarity to work toward ensuring social injustices by strategically selecting instructional materials that can address different forms of social injustices perpetuated by the imperialists. Davis, in her book entitled Freedom Is a Constant Struggle captured the interconnectedness of oppression against minorities and disenfranchised communities happening in different countries. If we take a closer look, we can see the connection between different forms of violence and oppression around the world. For example, the atrocities and violence against black people, indigenous people, and Palestinian people follow the same mechanisms that criminalize them. Structural racism is embedded in the system and under this racialized system, non-white people are the others/potential criminals.
Zionist discourses use the criminalizing trope that presents Arabs as deviant. These discourses associate the people in the Global South “closer to nature.” The usage of animal imagery is used to inscribe them as inferior bodies. This tactic justifies the violence conducted on their bodies and lives (“Undercurrent”). This again shows the exploitation of language as imperial symbols are used to shape discourses against oppressed people. Davis (2015) also points out that in conducting any state violence, we hear the language of law and order (war on terror, etc.) to legalize their brutality. Thus, it is of utmost importance to use instructional materials that bring forward the stories of violence including genocide, and settler colonialism as freedom indeed is a constant struggle. In this constant struggle, we need to build theories and pedagogical practices from the flesh (Cited in Chavez et al., 2012).
In reapproaching the existing pedagogical practices, I ask the following questions: How is transnational feminism directing and could direct us to resist the oppressive pedagogy against marginalized communities? What does transnational solidarity look like in an anti-racist classroom? How do we build solidarity against oppression? How do the past activists/scholars guide us to frame the revolutionary approaches to combat epistemic violence? Where do we find the elements of collaboration in transnational resistance? In the process, I incorporate those transnational feminist voices who lead us through this journey of resistance to unsettle violence including state violence, and military violence through their anti-imperial rhetorical constructions that challenge settler colonialism and imperialism embedded in images, symbols, languages, media narratives, etc.
Historically, feminist scholars have long been questioning such practices from an intersectional approach. From a post-colonial, critical race, and anti-imperial feminist lens, many feminist scholars also critiqued the one-dimensional assumption in understanding knowledge to challenge imperialist disciplinary norms. To point out its limitation, even the scholarships on the issues of intersectionality predominantly focus on the US context. Hooks (2000) points out that feminism is not specific to women and their concerns only. Feminism comprises the inclusion of oppressed people and advocates movements to end sexism and any kind of oppression that’s dictated by power hierarchy. This suggests the significance of feminist involvement in building classroom pedagogy.
Transnational feminism is a critical approach that can disrupt white supremacy, Islamophobia, gendered oppression, and other forms of mechanisms that target people by using the smoking screen of law and order. To build resistance through rhetorical practices, transnational feminist rhetoric plays a significant role by disrupting the spread of problematic values, ethics, and assumptions that marginalize non-Western people. More so, these assumptions are informed by “singular, monolithic, and homogenous views of identity and subjectivity” (Griffin and Chavez, 2012, p. 2). This monolithic feminism has not included different identities’ experiences and views around the world. There is still a lot of work that needs to be undertaken by transnational feminists to challenge this monolithic perception. It is this monolithic perception of non-Westerns that produces rhetorical violence.
For example, Palestinians are rhetorically presented as animals by the Israeli colonialists. “We are fighting against human animals” – this statement is used by the Israeli defense minister to justify their genocide of Palestinian civilians (PBS). The racialized rhetorical construction of non-westerners is used to justify the violence against non-white/non-western people. Using metaphors such as military intervention, the war against terror, collateral damage, etc. are deployed to diminish public support for the Palestinian people. The genocide in Gaza is not an isolated incident; rather, this history of colonialism, genocide, and oppression against non-white and non-Westerners points out the oppression against colonized people and disenfranchised communities.
According to Moraga, while symbols and metaphors are used in marginalizing oppressed people, “No metaphor for describing the condition of being multiply oppressed is adequate” (Cited in Chavez et al., 2012, p.5). Oppressed people’s embodied experiences need to be shared with the public. To do that, Moraga suggests we break the silence against oppression. “Silence is like starvation” and that from one starvation “other starvation can be recognized if one is willing to take the risk of making the connection” (Cited in Chavez et al., 2012, p. 6). To recognize these different forms of oppression, an anti-racist pedagogy could plant the seeds of hope in the form of building instructional materials.
Sometimes, marginalized students internalize these oppressions, and they don’t recognize how different mechanisms are at play in subjugating their voices. An anti-racist pedagogy recognizes students’ agency and instead of creating a classroom based on an oppressive, hierarchical system, this pedagogy centers students’ voices as a driving feature in the classroom conversations. At the same time, anti-racist materials can create consciousness against existing systemic racism. Teaching intersectional history including the history of settler colonialism, slavery indigenous genocide, etc, is critical in building awareness. At the same time, stories of oppression that grow in the flesh need to be brought to the fore in resisting different forms of oppression. Therefore, Moraga’s “theory in the flesh” is one of the major components of building an anti-racism classroom.
Scholars could consider ‘theories in the flesh’ in terms of how those who are oppressed and those who are doing/enabling the oppressing experience, express, and understand that oppression. Were scholars to apply these discourses, such as ‘Black power,’ ‘women’s rights,’ ‘immigration,’ ‘gay marriage,’ ‘transgender politics,’ or ‘disability,’ We suggest, an understanding of communication, and how it functions, would expand considerably. Additionally, as scholars explore unsettling discourse or outside of it, an intersectional approach could help them articulate the ways politics, social norms, and personal histories lay the foundation for that discourse. Chavez and Griffin, 2012, p. 18
Incorporating theories in the flesh would help students recognize their connection to ongoing oppression against minorities. While it’s important to disrupt systemic racism, without understanding an individual’s position in society, no systemic changes can take place. Education could play a huge role in identifying an individual’s place within the structure. “As an important piece of intersectional history, this theory requires the scholars to identify, and give voice to, the interconnected nature of being silenced, and the lived (bodily) manifestation of those silencing” (Chavez and Griffin, 2012, p. 7). In addition to that, theories in the flesh can help students make sense of their privileged position and how they need to come forward to dismantle the sources of oppression.
Therefore, theories in the flesh disclose who is oppressed and how they make sense of that oppression against minorities. At the same time, examining whether the oppressed are placed within these unsettling discourses or live outside of these unsettling discourses is important to assess from an anti-imperial intersectional and transnational approach to bring transformation (Chavez and Griffin, 2012). According to Sleiman (2023), by employing theories in the flesh, Palestinian women are breaking the silence by telling history as a cautionary tale.
They preserve memory through these oral narratives while genocide and memorycide are perpetuated by the settler colonialists. These tales can be used in instructional practices to teach how stories of violence are shared in the form of oral history and they may inspire minorities to share their stories of being oppressed to recognize the similar patterns of violence conducted by the white supremacists and settler colonialist. Thus, in an anti-racist classroom, “theories in the flesh” could be used to disrupt monolithic white norms of pedagogical practices.
However, Sleiman (2023) emphasized that, instead of identifying these tales as signs of powerlessness and resilience, these narratives should be recognized as informative tales in historiographic forms. Thus, these oral histories should not be presented as stories of vulnerability; rather, these stories should be analyzed to reveal many acts of violence that are conducted against minorities. In those stories, racism, colonialism, and patriarchy. According to Sleiman (2023), “Their history is one of perpetual crisis, a hundred years of dispossession, loss, and damage control. Every crisis triggers the previous trauma; it is a training ground for the crisis to come. Their form of history telling, their vision of the future, can tell us much about our moment of global crisis” (p. 134). Thus, incorporating an anti-racist pedagogy comes from realizing the scopes of using the theories in the flesh to better prepare to break the silence and to make an attempt to understand those discourses that purposefully misrepresent non-Western voices.
Considering the misrepresentation as well as the limited presence of transnational voices in pedagogical practices, this paper explores how the implementation of transnational feminism in teaching and learning creates critical awareness. In addition to that, these transnational theories may help identify the threads between individual and collective struggles in an oppressive world. Transnational feminism has a lot to offer in dismantling the oppressive framework including colonial and imperial feminism.
Hesford and Schell (2008) caution instructors about romanticizing the concept of transnational feminism. They share how the façade of including some identities without actively working toward revolutionizing the education system is an add-and-stir approach to using transnational feminism. Inspired by the solidarity framework, an anti-racist classroom addresses the following components: 1. analyses of the power structure between race, gender, and sexual orientations as well as the power relationship between the Global South and the Global North, 2. interrogating the Intersectional Issues and imperial logic to dismantle power hierarchy, 3. addressing “multiple-oppressions” faced by people of color transnationally, 4. building activism to resist the oppression. In other words, memory justice work connects the local to the global and links the individual to the community. Therefore, approaching classroom pedagogy from a reproductive justice lens would enable students to connect the local struggles to global injustices. This form of knowledge production and instructional practices disrupt the ongoing epistemic injustices in education. At the same time, students can interrogate the problematic colonial racialized rhetorical practices that are used in different contexts. In this endeavor, students play a key role by sharing their voices and by contributing their stories and approaches to the classroom pedagogy.